The strikers strike

 Reading in the Egyptian scene

May 4, 2008

  

If a stranger were to visit Egypt on April 6, 2008 and return to it on May 4, 2008, he cannot believe that he is visiting one country or that he deals with the same people.

The difference between Egypt's image and security surrounds its streets and squares in light of a state of tremendous societal congestion, as was the case on the first day, and the state of calm and tranquility that the country went through on the second day, with what that could indicate to him in terms of possibilities and lessons that must be dealt with to benefit from them in ensuring the stability of society And to overcome the obstacles and challenges that surround the lives of citizens and threaten the state of peace and secure coexistence, which is supposed to control society and ensure the corrupt relationship between its rulers and its rulers.

The April 6, 2008 strike was, in its entirety, an expression of popular discontent with the deterioration of societal conditions, poor living standards, and low average income for the majority of citizens. Several research studies have confirmed in one of them that the richest 20% of citizens get approximately 63% of national income and that The poorest 20% of the people get approximately 14% of income, indicating the huge gap in average income and living standards, which caused the explosion of successive and escalating forms of protest whose prominent feature was the absence of political theorizing about it and attention to living or life demands in addition to being from outside the political elite that For long decades, its stability and stability in its sites has almost turned into an antique painting whose value is in its antiquity, not in its splendor.

The call for a strike came on this day (April 6) on the one hand, everyone neglected to pay attention to the effect it had on the collective mindset of human beings, which is the spider network of information called the Internet, which attracted groups of young people who reject an extremely cruel reality and do not have the ability to change it at the same time non-believers On the feasibility of party work in light of the restrictions ruling it, so they went to a virtual space through which they tried to exchange visions and ideas about society and ways to change or reform it, relying on the state of calcification that affected the connection of the government and its presumed confidence in its success in carrying out any movement or popular movement demanding reform or change, as well as parties Its leaders lived their whole lives in the midst of the ronio machines and the dilapidated printing machines that were used in their old struggle against the styles of rule they were rejecting, and it is difficult for them today to believe the development that has created more advanced technology that can be used in the desired forms of struggle.

As for the fourth of May 2008, the day chosen by the virtual militants to repeat the successful form of protest in their escalation with the authority, which was different in its image and results to the worst nightmares of those responsible for its success or the dreams of those responsible for an abortion. Schools and universities and the vigils turned into symbolic forms and in limited places (as was the case in the Bar Association). Rather, it came to traffic jams in some sectors of Cairo, as if today is not the Sunday when many companies and shops close their doors or as if it is not the day that some have defined. For the big strike.

An objective reading of the events of May 4, 2008 and linking them to what was on April 6, 2008 puts us in front of a set of observations that must be addressed and read in an analytical manner that makes us reach the reasons for the success of the first day and the factors of failure of the second day, which we see that the most important of them are the following:

- First: The decrease in the level of media interest in the May 4 strike compared to the situation in which the media was on April 6, which is clearly evident from reading the figures indicating that the period from 3/15/2008 to 5/6/2008 witnessed the publication of 921 news about the strikes, 853 of them News about the strike (April 6) and 68 news about the strike (May 4), which shows a lack of interest in the mobilization and motivation to participate in the second strike in light of the preoccupation of those who installed themselves as spokesmen of the strike to polish themselves and exploit interest in what happened to position themselves as leaders (for Facebook) or movements Popular in the street.

The news came within 27 Arab publications interested in analyzing what is happening on the Egyptian scene, and it varied between national newspapers that published (238) news and party newspapers that published (101) news and independent newspapers that published (582) news, as well as their distribution according to the type of publication. 643 news and weekly newspapers with an average of (278) news.

This shows the extent of the influence of the media in the process of calling for the popular crowd and the need to study ways to benefit from its tools in the future in mobilizing citizens or ensuring their support for a position.

Second :  The violent position of the political forces against the strike or those in charge of calling for it, which can be understood in one way as a fear for the privileged seats and proximity to the regime in its opposition image from attempts by some to occupy the same position and have the same influence, as the Wafd party refused to participate in the first strike ( April 6) on the pretext that people have concerns and problems greater than the strike, as stated by one of its leaders, his violent refusal to participate in the second strike (May 4) was due to what Yassin Taj al-Din, deputy head of the Al-Wafd Party, said that the cases of failed strikes are behind them (a few children of Bataoa) The Internet, Facebook, and mobile phones) which is a conversation that does not differ much - and perhaps this is the strange one - with what Dr. Rifaat Al-Saeed, the head of the Tagammu Party, said in the context of describing the Facebook youth as "youthful youth", although the gathering had preemptively struck him, whose clear goal was to abort The strike, which the invitation was described as (anonymous and anonymous), when the assembly invited the parties and civil society organizations to an urgent meeting to discuss the current situation and reach an agreement on a unified vision based on a minimum level of agreement between the parties to confront the political impasse. Current yasi.

As for the Nazarene Party, the third of the three so-called adults among the (official) parties, a number of its leaders confirmed during a meeting held instead of the Politburo that they support peaceful protests and strikes that defend the interests and causes of the masses away from the problems that sabotage the facilities or cause losses, as happened in the strike 6 In April, the issue of the Secretary of Political Affairs in the party even described the official party institutions being called to strike (an ignorant one who does not understand in the legitimate partisan political work).

It is not far from the positions of the main opposition parties, as the position of the small parties, of which (7) met in a hotel in Cairo, declared that the callers of the strike (Facebook) are agents of America and that they intend to form a committee whose aim is to ensure the stability of society and to fight the lawsuits that they described as destructive.

On the other hand came the position of the Front Party, which announced its support for the Facebook youth call to strike, considering that the strike is the right of every Egyptian as long as it is organized in accordance with the constitution and the law and adheres to the peaceful approach, which is in agreement with the Al-Ghad Party, whose leaders moved from the Nour Front on the basis that they are the owners of the day and the reason for its success because His first instigator is his party member, which gives them the privilege of granting the instruments of struggle to whom they want and withholding them as well from those who want them.

The behavior of the Egyptian opposition parties, which was very strange in its adherence to the regime and its violent fear of participating, even by silence from participating in the strike, came as an affirmation of the official parties' dilemma and the difficulty of dealing with them as an alternative to the existing government or a competition for it in any future elections, as the extent of consensus and convergence between them appeared. (Authority and opposition) in considering and dealing with this form of protest, which represents one of the manifestations of political movement and a peaceful struggle for power in accordance with international covenants and covenants that the parties seem to need to return to a second time to ensure that they still possess formal legitimacy that must be supplemented with popular legitimacy if these parties want for themselves In the future.

Third: The position of the Muslim Brotherhood, which represents one of the most important forms of political opportunism in the manner of dealing with popular social movements, for the Brotherhood who vehemently refused to participate in the (April 6) strike were embarrassed by its success, which they tried after by nodding and explicit reference to claim that they participated in it and were one of the reasons for its success despite their official boycott of it. By announcing, through an official statement, affirming their participation in the strike against public policies that perpetuate corruption and tyranny on (May 4), according to the group's guide, despite assurances to his first deputy that the group’s participation will only stop when staying at home and that the brothers (will not participate in any demonstrations or protests) With what this position represents in terms of tampering with papers and endeavoring to exploit any popular movement in the street to portray it as a fraternal activity purely, a matter that harmed the strike and made those in charge of it the burden of escaping it from trying to exploit it for the benefit of the group, which was proven by the evidence of its lack of commitment to what it said in its statement, especially since its deputies participated in the sessions. The People's Assembly that was held on the same day, as well as in the state of silence witnessed by universities and public fields that the Brotherhood did not hope to use for the benefit Their own agendas or interests of their collaborators.

The absence of the Brotherhood, which was the reason for the success of the (April 6) strike, was an assertion that their participation was one of the most important reasons for the failure of the (May 4) strike, and that the group’s behavior in the face of popular movements needs to be reviewed and reconsidered, especially with what is said about the attack and rejection of the parties. Participation in the strike came due to the presence of the Brothers and their participation in it, and in light of the attempt of each of them to wear down the clothing of the potential alternative to power, a struggle that only the poor and low-income citizens pay a price for.

Fourthly: The state of competition witnessed by websites between those who call themselves Facebook youth over the leadership of popular movements and the call for forms of protest due to the media aura and the widespread fame of their colleague (Asra Abdel Fattah), who was accused of being the instigator and engine of the April 6 strike, as the electronic network witnessed a state of competition The frantic of women groups calling for protest reached (30) groups, each claiming the capacity of the official spokesperson and sponsor of the strike, and the matter came to the rise of one of the persons who set himself up as a spokesman for the (April 6) movement to the comic statement that (The Egyptian people can allow regime figures to leave the country on condition that they transfer money smuggled abroad to the public treasury to avoid a bloodbath or a state of chaos) And demanding that the country be handed over to a temporary national committee consisting of (The Muslim Brotherhood - Labor Party - Dignity Party - Revolutionary Socialists Party - Kifaya Movement - Delegate of the Military Institution - Church Delegate appointed by the Pope - Labor Movement Representative from Mahalla - Staff Representative from the Real Estate Tax Employees Movement - Representative of the University Professors Movement Representative of the Agricultural Movement) .

If the above, if it is permissible to deal with it in a way that is considered to be debatable, it indicates the extent of the crisis that these new advocates for change are suffering from and who have been transformed by the media into fighters for whom pages are singled out in newspapers and are flocked to them by satellite channels without a clear reason justifying what is taking place despite the emptiness and superficiality from which they start and adopt Only the quality and modernity of the tools they use

Fifthly: The rational behavior of the governing bodies, especially in the ministries of information, education and health, which did not turn into a horrific hysteria, as happened in the first strike (April 6) during which a series of consecutive statements were issued warning people against participating in the strike or being absent from their workplaces and the Minister of Education undertaking a representative tour On a number of schools, their students missed them, although with these behaviors they were a major reason for participating in it, which is the behavior that motivated them to criticize them and accuse them of not being able to manage the crisis according to a sound scientific method.

The position of the Interior Ministry also came as one of the reasons for the failure of the strike, especially since the security forces that filled the streets of Egypt (some estimated as “114” in the locality only) and the Central Security vehicles, some of which were transformed into a café serving drinks to leaders who were afraid to stay in the street for a long time, so they accompanied them. Amuses her.

The behavior of the police on (May 4) was not the same as it was on (April 6), as he was absent from nervousness or shows of force, firing live bullets at citizens and restricting the injured to hospital beds, as happened in the city of Mahalla, and it was one of the reasons for igniting the revolution, as well as the police cared not to seek help With thugs and precedents in dispersing protest forms and demonstrations according to the accusations leveled against them after each street movement, which ensured that things would not get out of control or rioting, and thus the interior transformed from one of the most prominent success factors for the strike (April 6) to a major factor in the failure of the strike (May 4) ).

Sixthly : President Mubarak's decision in Labor Day celebrations to grant state workers an allowance of 30 % came as a joyful surprise for many citizens in the face of successive rises in prices and the inability of low-income people to ensure a stable life if that bonus reduced the citizens' sense of discontent and anger at the executive authority and made a lot They are reluctant to show the same criticisms that he was facing against the regime or its symbols.

Seventh: Failure to choose a suitable timing for the call for the strike, unlike the first strike whose callers were keen to choose the day (April 6) set by the Mahalla workers for escalation if the company’s management did not commit to responding to their demands, which ensured the existence of a protest movement on the street that others could join with disagreements in the approach or policies. Conducted by the executive authority and thus does not show the lack of influence of the call, which was not understood by the advocates of the second strike (May 4). The time period between the two strikes and its shortness did not allow the mobilization of energies or the ability to ensure good mobilization and organization, in addition to its coincidence with the dates of the exams that did not It can be sacrificed or absent from it, as happened in universities and schools before, which indicates that an objective study of the (April 6) strike and its results were not carried out to benefit from its lessons in repeating the strike or developing it into stronger forms of protest, as did the executive bodies that studied their mistakes the first time and benefited. One of them is to abort the strike in its second version, which can be traced back to the absence of organization and the desire to exploit the event to achieve personal glory, even at the expense of the position and principle.

 The final picture of the (May 4) strike and its results frustrated some as much as it pleased others. It seems as if the strikers were the ones who went on strike for reasons that we talked about previously, and the event needs to pass another period of time in order to be able to talk about the rest of it.

However, it remains to emphasize that the Egyptian society has not returned to its previous social stability, and that the state of boiling and revolution is still present and needs effort to overcome it and create community stability that contributes to the process of development and development in the structure of society and the relations of its social strata with each other, which is what we believe in Maat Center for Legal and Constitutional Studies that it is The task of all societal forces and factions, especially universities, parties and civil society institutions.